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Conolly and the Calicut Canal

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The Canoli Canal of Calicut

The story of this Canal is quite engaging. Most people believe that the Elattur - Kallai canal as it was formally known was the brainchild of the man who lent his name to the project, the result of which was eventually called the Canoli Canal or more correctly the Conolly Canal. Well, the idea germinated well before that actually and what most people also do not know is that while Conolly lived to construct the canal, he also lost his life due to an argument over a simple monetary issue arising from this canal construction.

To get to the scene of the story, we have to go to a Calicut which was quite different from the bustling entrepot it once was many centuries ago. The Arab and Chinese traders had gone, the visitors from other nations had declined to a trickle and barring pepper, coir and timber, held little value to the outside world. The Zamorin was no longer in power and the new lords, the British, quickly flourished in other metropolises such as Bombay, Madras and Calcutta. Calicut which had once been their first port of entry had given way and was mostly forgotten, now home for some British and Anglo Indian residents amidst the local populace. Trade continued, a few factories struggled, but it remained simply the district headquarters of a locale abundant in natural resources, not anymore important from a strategic or military perspective, the Zamorin and other lords having been subjugated. It was quite different from the Calicut we see today, and mostly a ‘not happening’ place where the posting such as that of a collector could be viewed as a punishment or banishment. This was where Henry Valentine Conolly was posted to, in 1840. Calicut I understood, at that point of time had probably 20 Europeans living in the West Hill area. Burton pitied the Malabar expatriate’s life in September, during the monsoon; as he remarked “what a dreary life they must be leading, with no other sounds in their ears but the roaring wind, the pelting of the rain and the creaking of the palm trees.”

Calicut was naturally fortified, I suppose, for it was only accessible from the sea and through a few cart roads from inland. Beypore was a nearby port which provided landing facilities for deep sea ships and so if somebody wanted to come from afar, places such as Bombay, they sailed down to Beypore and then boarded a bullock cart to jerkily reach the capital of the Zamorins, where the bigwigs lived and where the big bazar was situated. Much later the first southerly terminus of the railway was also situated at Beypore. From Calicut they had a road to Ponnany and on to Palghat, and from Beypore to Nilambur and on to Ooty. There was also a road to Mahe, Cannanore and Tellicherry, but all these were traversed by carts or with palanquins if the journey was short. So but naturally the more comfortable trip was by sea.

The very concept of river navigation from the North to the South tip of Kerala was originally detailed by HS Graeme in his 1922 report, highlighting the fact that this was a perfect method during monsoons when seafaring was difficult and of course the roads potholed and treacherous. In his report he identified the continuity of a water passageway between Quilon and Calicut. He also mentioned that the two rivers, Korapuzha and Beypore River (Chaliyar) which bound the northern and the southern extremities of the Calicut taluk were convenient for transportation of firewood to the coast, and would be useful for conveying grain to the port of Calicut. Another reason was that pepper and other spices growing in the north-eastern parts of Wayanad hills were brought to the coast through Kuttiady River and Korapuzha. Hence the opening of a canal could facilitate commodity flow to Calicut and other ports.

Subsequent collectors and administrators worked on this concept, namely Conolly and Robinson, to create the canals and connect up the gaps in order to create such a network. But let’s take a look at the water passageways which existed.

As the eloquent gazetteers - Innes and Evans wrote - The river system of Malabar, in itself as simple as it is extensive, is complicated by the ramifications of a network of backwaters near the sea. Apart from the three great tributaries of the Cauvery, which drain the Attapadi Valley and nearly the whole of the Wynaad taluk, all the rivers of the district flow down from their watersheds in the Western Ghats to the Arabian Sea. With the single exception of the Ponnani River, none of them exceeds a hundred miles in length; and only when the south-west monsoon is blowing, and the rainfall on the ghats is measured in scores of inches, do they roll down in a heavy flood. For nine months in the year the majority are shallow streams and, unable to force their way through the sand banks formed along the coast by the persistent action of the littoral current, lose themselves in back waters and creeks and arms of the sea. Many of these backwaters have been linked up by artificial canals, forming important means of communication; and, in tie south of the district, there is an uninterrupted waterway from Tirur to Travancore.

So much for the river system in Malabar, and how it connected to the South. Now how about the North?

The Valarpattanam River in Chirakkal taluk, though not the longest river in Malabar, probably discharges into the sea the greatest volume of water. The wide and deep estuary of the river, which forms the port of Valarpattanam or Baliapatam, opens out on the north into a backwater, into which falls the Taliparamba River with the drainage water of the north-east of the taluk. The Sultan’s canal connects this backwater with the creeks and arms of the Mount Deli River, which again joins the Nileswaram River. The major portion of the last-named stream lies in South Canara, but for some miles it is the northern boundary of Malabar. So the first of the canals was the so called Sultantodu or Sultan Canal built by the Ali Raja (Ali Raja built it with Hyder’s approval) in 1766, a 2 mile long canal to link the lagoons of Madayi and Irukkur, thus enabling uninterrupted communications between Nileswaram and Kannur. This canal is believed to be the first known initiative to link inland water bodies. The Anjarakkandi and Mahe rivers, which drain the rich pepper country of Kottayam and northern Kurumbranad, are navigable for a few miles only front their mouths, and are unconnected with one another and with other streams. But the Kotta River in the center of the latter taluk, which takes its name from a fort, which commanded its entrance in the days when the Kottakkal pirates harried the shipping along the coast, opens up a long chain of inland waterways.

A short canal connects the river on the north with Badagara, the chief port of Kurumbranad; and the Payyoli and Conolly canals links it on the south with the Agalapuzha, Elattur, Kallayi and Beypore rivers and with Calicut, the capital of the district. The canal proper, which was constructed by HV Conolly, Collector in 1848, consists of a cutting about 3 miles in length running through Calicut city and connecting the Elattur or Korapula and Kallayi rivers. It thus forms part of the line of water communication from Badagara to Beypore.

Continuing on, the Beypore River or Chaliar, 96 miles long, famed of old Beypore for its auriferous sands, is the only river of Malabar which draws a great part of its waters from above the crest of the ghat ranges. It has three main branches, which unite a few miles above Nilambur. The three streams, reinforced by many large feeders, unite in the heart of the famous teak plantations in the middle of the Nilambur valley, and thence flow into the sea at Beypore, six miles south of Calicut, once the terminus of Madras Railway.

Now we get to know another purpose of the Conolly Canal, other than that of linking the river systems of the North to the Chaliyar. Vast quantities of timber are floated down from the Nilambur forests to Beypore, and thence through the Conolly canal to Kallayi, close to the Calicut bazaar, becoming one of the greatest timber ports in India.

The Kadalundi River, which is connected with the Beypore River by a creek, flows down through the Eranad and Walavanad taluks from the wilds of the Silent Valley, and empties itself into the sea at Kadalundi after a course of some 76 miles. An attempt, continued down to 1857, was made by several Collectors to complete an uninterrupted system of water communication from Badagara in Kurumbranad to Trivandrum in Travancore, by constructing a navigable canal from this river to one of the arms of the Ponnani river; but the cutting, though still in existence, is impassable except for the smallest boats at the height of the monsoon. The oily mud, which oozes up from below into the water of the canal, is the great obstacle to navigation. In rainy weather the Kadalundi River is navigable for small boats as far as Karuvarakkundu at the foot of the Ghats, but in the dry season they cannot ‘ascend higher than Puttur amsam in Ernad taluk. The Ponnani River, the longest of all the rivers traverses the taluks of Palghat and Ponnani, skirts the southern boundary of Waluvanad, and, after receiving between the railway stations of Pallippuram and Kuttipuram the drainage water of the last taluk from its great tributary, the Tutha River, discharges itself into the sea at the port of Ponnani. North of the town a wide reach of backwater stretches away to the railway system at Tirur, and to the south the river is linked by a canal with the Veliyanorod and Chettuvayi backwaters, and ultimately with the long line of waterways that ends only at Trivandrum.

Though somewhat boring to the lay reader, the foregoing paragraphs explain to you how the waters formed a river-sea-canal link from the North of Malabar all the way to Travancore, if not always, at least during the monsoon season when the rivers were full and upto the brim. The three canals which linked them all were the Sultan Canal in N Malabar and the Payyoli and Conolly Canals in Malabar and the Aleppey Canal.

In 1845, the detailed project report was submitted to the Madras government and received administrative sanction in 1846. In 1848, the Canal was commissioned. Though the extension work of Canal was stopped after the murder of Canolly in 1855, Robinson who took over, supported the completion of the project.

Now let’s look at the commercial reasons driving Conolly’s canal project. We discover that it was mainly due to teak wood requirements for ship construction. But well before all that started the appropriation of the forests by the British, step by step. In Malabar, as well as in some of the adjoining parts of Kanara, most of the land had from time immemorial been in the possession of large landlords, who claimed proprietary rights over the forests as well as over cultivated lands. Tippoo Sahib, the Sultan of Mysore, however, had, while he ruled these districts, in an arbitrary manner set aside these rights, particularly the right of felling timber, which he claimed as a Royal privilege. At first these districts were placed under the Government of Bombay and their wealth in timber attracted the attention of that Government. In August 1800 the Court of Directors authorized the Bombay Government, to assume the right of felling' timber on behalf of the East India Company.

It was in 1844 that HV Conolly, established Teak plantations in a large scale near Nilambur with a point of view "to replace those forests which had vanished from private carelessness and rapacity." 
Conolly determined to raise Teak forests on a large scale on Government account. After strenuous efforts, he obtained and selected an area of around 19,000 acres, where teak cultivation started, following a difficult phase with respect to getting the seeds to germinate.

Conolly commenced his experiments in 1842, and in 1844 he had raised 50,000 healthy seedlings. By 1878 the area planted up aggregated 3,436 acres, and the oldest compartments, which at that time were on an average 33 years old, were stocked with a dense wood of Teak poles nearly 100 feet high. These poles found a ready market at Calicut and so some areas were cleared and replanted, and soon a species of mahogany was also introduced as a mixture, a move in the right direction, for it was found that Teak thrives best when growing in company with other trees.

The justification continues - The selection if land was based on proximity to the river going towards the sea. Mr. Conolly had selected for his operations the valley of the Nilambur River, which runs into the sea at the port of Beypur. The rivers are navigable by rafts up to January, and below Mambat, the most westerly point of the Plantation, the navigation is so easy that the largest rafts can be managed by one man. The river which drains the valley empties itself into the sea at Beypore, and 4 miles from the mouth of the river a navigable canal communicates with another river which traverses the heart of the Calicut Bazaar, the best timber market on the west coast. This river is connected with the Calicut roadstead by a bar always open, so that the cost of conveying timber from the Plantations alongside ship may be regarded as at a minimum. That was the reason behind the construction of the Canal.

To construct the canal, a cut was made by Conolly through a high ground to connect the Ponnani and Kadalundi rivers. At that time, it was called the Calicut Canal. The Conolly canal passed through the amsams of Kasaba, Kottuli, Kachcheri, Edakkad, Karannur, Makkada and Elattur, and connected the Kallayi with the Elattur River. The British administration report of 1885 mentions plans to construct further canals to link the inland links all the way down south.

An extensive seaboard, with backwaters running parallel to it, affords easy means of transit; whilst the artificial canals made to connect these backwaters give a continuous water communication along the coast, of 77 miles from Cochin to the railway station of Tiroor, of 43 miles from Beypore to Badagara, and again of 22 miles from Belliapatam to the frontiers of South Canara. Records mention the following - The canals are on an average between 10 to 12 feet broad, and 1 or 2 to 3 and 4 feet deep at low water, and are intended only for small boats. None of them are in a state of efficiency at all times, and 8 miles of cutting are required to connect the Tanore Canal with the Kadalundy and Beypore rivers. It is, however, in contemplation to complete a good navigable canal from Tiroor to Cochin, and push the work on eventually from Badagara to Mahe, Tellicherry, and Cannanore.

The land acquisition for the project in Calicut did not prove to be a big issue for various landlords and the Zamorin gifted the land to Conolly. The owners of agricultural land of the neighborhood insisted that the canal be used supply them clean water for irrigation, and this was agreed to in principle, with the added condition that the EIC would also implement steps to block any ingress of salt water into the agricultural lands. The work started in right earnest and the wage (for the day workers) for the hard labor of excavation and digging was supposedly a big feast at the end of the day. A new mud bund or lock was created at the sea entrance and this was called Puthiya Chira (nowadays known as Puithiayara) to stop salt water ingress. Between conception in 1845 and completion in 1848, many people of Calicut were involved in its construction. As a researcher J Shinoy mentions - The plan and estimate of the canal was submitted in 1845 and got approval in 1846. The fast track way of completion and the opening of the canal in 1848 and the subsequent busy traffic experienced in the canal showed the momentousness of the absence of a water transport system inside the city till the day.

The Connolly canal also had an extension to the Valiyangadi or Big Bazaar which connected to the Kallayi River. This link, known as ‘Bazaar Canal’, was utilized for commodity movements from and to the Valiyangadi. A later collector, the famous William Logan was the person who decided the location of Calicut’s railway station (the Chaliyam railway station lost out in the bargain) upon what once was the route of the dried up Robinson canal or the Bazar canal. In fact he chose the site due to its proximity to the Robinson Canal which he thought could be utilized for bringing the construction materials to the site and it can also as a drainage for the proposed railway station. As per the settlement records a space known as Puzhavakku existed facilitating this. The field study mentioned by Shinoy, corroborated with the archival records identified and confirmed the huge drainage connecting Valiyangadi, which go further south by passing through the present railway colony premises, as the remnants of the old Bazaar canal.

Following the murder of Collector Conolly, further extension of the canal network and the last parts of the Elathur Kallayi canal project was stopped till Robinson decided to complete it, though not all the extensions. The canal was also used extensively for passenger and goods movement by small boats and a jetty was built at Eranhipalam, but in 1872 or thereabouts, major issues cropped up with damages to the banks and resulting flood of salt water into the fields. The EIC and the British government later washed its hands off such issues, stating that the canal was built for transport purposes and not irrigation. The Eranhipalam jetty stood next to the present road bridge and its upkeep was for a while taken care of by a contractor named Alikoya. The canal administrators levied a small toll of 1 anna on boats traversing it. Boats ferried back and forth with goods, mail and passengers. The canal was also busy with large paddy boats belonging to wealthy merchants of the city, thatched with a semi-circular roof of leaves, which carried 1 to 4 tons of cargo to Calicut port. 
By 1924, Canolly Canal had over 772 country boats and 2541 rafts plying through it. After the road transport system strengthened, the canal's glory diminished.

So much for the Canal itself. But how did Conolly’s murder which happened in 1855, have anything to do with the Canal? It goes back to the confession of one Malakel Mammu who harbored Conolly’s murderers on the days preceding the attack. Mammu actually had two houses situated some 70 yards apart in different compounds, both stood on an open space to the east of the canal, about three quarters of a mile due-east of Conolly’s house, which was nearly three miles due-north of the town of Calicut.

The Mappilas who murdered Connolly were escaped convicts from Calicut Jail (from the Town Jail, not the courthouse) called Valasseri Emalu, Puliyakunat Tenu, Chemban Moidin Kutti and Vellattadayatta Parambil Moidin. They had escaped from a prison working party on the 4th of August 1855, spent the following month on the run in various houses in the foothills of the Ghats. After a prayer at the Mambram Thangals shrine, they hid in Mammu’s house for several days, before taking vows at a Nercha ceremony where they sang a song called Moideen Mala Pattu. During this session, their war knives were passed through incense smoke.

Mammu had his own grudge with Conolly over a simple matter of unpaid arrears, and is explained as follows by the investigators - He (Mammu) had also had a good deal of intercourse with Mr. Conolly since the canal was begun. On account of his being in default for some work he undertook on the canal, Mr. Conolly was forced to bring a suit against him and obtained a judgment for the money (Rupees 156/-). As Mammu had little property, Mr. Connolly out of compassion recovered the sum (except interest which he forgave him) by keeping back the rent for the temporary Jail. Mammu in a petition in October 1854 demanded this rent which was refused by Conolly since Mammu himself owed money to Government, telling Mammu he should think himself lucky to be let off what he owed. Collett notes that this was the background of Mammu’s personal bad feeling towards Mr. Conolly.

You may now wonder what this temporary jail and its rent was all about – The investigator Collett hastens to explain - While the canal was being made, a number of prisoners were located in a shop. Mammu used to exert himself to procure security for those confined in default, and himself lately went security for a bad character from a distant taluk. I am satisfied from inquiries that the Calicut convicts have regular agents in different places about Calicut (usually shopmen in the neighborhood of their working places) to whom their relatives entrust money and provisions, and where, with the connivance of the Peons they communicate, with whomever they choose. Mammu was, Collect expects, one of these agents. So in summary, Conolly withheld a sum of Rs 156/- from Mammu for defaulting in his work in the Canal project by not paying him rent for jailing some coolies.

Such was his rage that Mammu got involved in the detailed planning of the next steps to murder Conolly.  He was also instrumental in ferrying the killers a few days before the murder across the river and also after the event. It became clear that Mammu (from the evidence provided by his wife and son) procured them food and shelter on the 6th September on their return. It was also established that he received a sword from one of them, and that he took infinite pains at a subsequent period to conceal two swords and a bayonet which were eventually discovered by the Police. He likewise displayed an extreme anxiety to remove evidence of his having communicated with the assassins, and together with his brother and another prisoner endeavored to suborn some of the witnesses to give false evidence.

On the evening of Tuesday, the 11th Sept 1855, the murderers hacked Conolly to death. I had covered the various aspects, motives and background in an earlier article, but as you saw above, Mammu (his wife Cunyachy and son Kungi Peri), who had profited initially from the Canal work, was a co-conspirator in the murder plot and its success. Malakel Mamu was transported to the Chicacole jail in Kalingapatanam - formerly in the Ganjam district and in today’s Andhra Pradesh (Srikakulam) where it appears he passed away. All his land and properties were attached by the Collector.

Urbanity and spatial processes – Jesinth Shinoy (with special thanks and acknowledgement for the original work)
Madras district gazetteers, Malabar - CA Innes, FB Evans
Transport and communications in India prior to steam locomotion Vol 2 – Jean Deloche
Indian Forestry - Sir Dietrich Brandis
Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency
A Statistical Atlas of the Madras Presidency
Malabar Paithrukavum Pratapavum – article on Canoli Canal by TB Seluraj.
Kozhikodinde Paithrukam – TB Seluraj

Pics – Conolly canal map – US Army map service, April 1959, Conolly Canal - By Vengolis - Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0

The Khilafat Movement, Turkey and Ataturk

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Having lived in Turkey for a few years and having admired Mustafa Kemal Ataturk‘s rebuilding of that war torn nation into a modern Turkey, I was always curious as to what Mustafa Kemal had to say about India. After all, he had come eye to eye with many an Indian soldier working in the British Army at Gallipoli and slew many (a lot of them still rest in Turkish graves) and later hobnobbed with many an Indian Khilafat representative. This article will lightly focus on the Kemalist approach to the Indian Khilafat movement. As it all ended, it appeared that Mustafa Kemal had lost interest in the concept of the Caliphate and walked away from the whole thing, leaving the Indian side who had invested time, resources and huge amounts of money in Turkey’s support, bewildered and shattered.

To understand all that we have to go back to a time well before the freedom movement got into a full 
swing in India and to a time when the Khilafat or caliphate movement started. But with most people having only a dim view of the concept, let me use a few lines in explanation of its meaning in the medieval and post medieval periods. During the medieval period, three major caliphates existed: the Rashidun Caliphate (632–661), the Umayyad Caliphate (661–750) and the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258). From the Rashidun Caliphs, the title had moved to the Ummayads and thence to the Abbasids of Baghdad.  Then it moved to Egypt where the Cairo Abbasids with the support of the Mamluk Sultans held the title. In the 16th century, the position of Caliph had moved with the Ottoman Sultan to Istanbul, following his capture of Mamluk Egypt.

The fourth major caliphate, the Ottoman Caliphate, established by the Ottoman Sultans in 1517, was therefore the period where the Ottoman kings claimed authority of the caliph. The Caliph for practical purposes was the supreme religious and political leader of the broad Islamic state known as the Caliphate, and the titular ruler of the Islamic Ummah, as the political successors to Muhammad. So what is an Ummah? For centuries, the Caliphate represented the basis that all the Muslims of the world are equal members of a single, global pan Islamic entity, the ummah. On one hand, the Sunni branch of Islam stipulates that, as a head of state, a caliph should be elected by Muslims or their representatives. On the other hand, Shia Muslims believe a caliph should be an Imam chosen by God from the Ahl al-Bayt (the "Family of the House", Muhammad's direct descendants). The main responsibility of a Caliph is to oversee and protect the safety of pilgrims performing the hajj. Needless to say, controlling the holy cities of Mecca and Medina is a prerequisite for the Caliph.

As the World War I resulted in a defeat for the axis powers of which Turkey was a part, the powers of the Ottoman Turks declined and their vast holdings in Central Asia were at risk till eventually the Ottoman Empire collapsed.  Even though the victorious Europeans decided to support the continuation of the Caliph in Turkey, the Arabs were not too keen of Turkey’s domination in this scene (it is probably a right time to recall the Lawrence of Arabia and his help for the Arabs). The Sultan holding the Caliph’s position in the year 1918 was Mehmet Vahideddin VI, the penultimate Ottoman monarch. Anyway the treaty of Versailles clipped the Ottoman Empire and the Treaty of Sevres of 1920 resulted in many other countries like Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt getting hived off the Sultan’s vast Ottoman Empire. Turkish nationalists upset over the turn of events, rejected the settlement by the Sultan Mehmet IV and his cronies.

Old Istanbul
The event which really incited nationalist Turks was the Greek landing at Smyrna (modern-day İzmir). This was a military operation by Greek forces supported by the allies and which commenced on May 15, 1919. The action involved landing of troops in the city of Smyrna and surrounding areas. Violence and disorder followed with Greek troops and many Greek citizens of Smyrna participating in these actions. The Turks soon rose in revolt in their own nationalist movement, against proxy forces of the Allies combining Greece, Armenia, France, Italy, and of course the British. A new government, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was formed on 23 April 1920, in Ankara (then known as Angora).  The man who united the Turks and headed the movement was none other than Mustafa Kemal Bey later on known honorifically as Ataturk or the father of Turks. This new nationalist government denounced the rule of Mehmet VI who had thrown his lot with the British.

The British started to institute a policy aimed to break down authority in Turkey by separating the Sultan, the nationalist government, and by pitting religious minorities in Istanbul against Muslims. On top of all this, the new government of the puppet Sultan wishing and hoping to undermine the Kemalists, passed a fatwa calling the Turkish revolutionaries as infidels, and demanding the death of its leaders. This as we will see was the final straw.

What about the Khilafat movement? Far away in India, the Muslims of India had been anxious of the potential fate of the caliphate, the fate of their religious centers and had risen in protests around 1918. The prospect of British ascendance in Turkey and the feeling that Islamists around the world would be humiliated started the Khilafat movement in India. The Khilafat movement was therefore a pan-Islamic, political protest campaign launched originally by the Muslims of British Raj to influence the British government not to abolish the Ottoman Caliphate when such a threat loomed, following the first world war.

The two organizations in India, The All India Khilafat committee and the Jamiat Ulema-I hind worked hard to whip up the feelings of Muslims all over India, and Mahatma Gandhi seeing an opportunity of getting support from the Muslims of India for the overthrow of the British yoke by joining the Satyagraha movement, decided to throw in his and the INC’s support with the Khilafat leaders. Very soon, the INC and the Muslim organizations protested together in support of the Caliph in Turkey.

Indians donated money and gold for the support of their brethren in Turkey. In Turkey though Mustafa Kemal and his entourage expressed doubts on the ability of the masses in India and their powers if any to sway the British and he went on to hold that while there was much talk, no action could really be expected from the India populace in their support.

In India agitation after agitation ensued, more monetary collections were made and many petitions were submitted to the leery British. They asked for three reliefs – evacuation from Constantinople, the Sultan’s suzerainty over the holy mosques and the restoration of Ottoman Thrace including the city of Adrianople (Edirne) and Symrna (Izmir). The Viceroy in India Rufus Isacs or Lord reading as he was more popularly known, was largely conciliatory and tried hard to pacify the Muslims of India. Agha Khan also joined in support of the Khilafat movement.

But the festering problem however was that the so called Caliph or Mehmet Vahiduddin had chosen to side with the British and the occupying allied forces, while the nationalists under Mustafa Kemal were against the Sultan. But naturally Mustafa Kemal was lukewarm in supporting the Khilafathists who were trying to prop up the very Sultan who was against him and taking the side of the occupiers of Turkey. In this confused situation involving India, Britain, and the two factions of Turkey, stepped in yet another player trying hard to tilt the scales, that being the Russians.

The Russians were hard at work since the inception of the Great Game, trying to break through the buffer between them and the British India, the buffer being none other than the NWFP or the wings of old Afghanistan. An event in 1919 raised much alarm when Amir Habibullah, a supporter of the British though outwardly neutral was assassinated in his tent while away hunting. He had some weeks earlier chosen to form an alliance with the Emir of Bokhara to resist any Soviet incursions and attempts. So it was somewhat apparent that the Russians had engineered this assassination.

His son Amanullah supported by young Afghans who were furious at Habibullah’s failure to rise up a against the west after uniting the restless Muslims of Central Asia, quickly rose in revolt against the British mounting attacks at British troops in what is known as the third Anglo Afghan war. The British wisely sued for peace, deciding to concentrate on the Southerly Indian rebellions with Gandhiji in the lead, but making heavy weather. The Muslims wanted vigorous action, but the Hindus and Gandhi supported passive revolt, and the Khilafat movement now spearheaded by the Ali brothers, was starting to lose momentum.

Mustafa Kemal’s requirement for arms was in the meanwhile met by Soviet Russia. According to Soviet documents, Soviet financial and war materiel comprised supply of large numbers of rifles, machine guns, cannons, rifle bullets, shells, patrol boats, gold ingots and over 11 million Turkish lira.
In Turkey, things had come to a boil. Anti-nationalistic efforts by the British were bearing fruit and it was at this juncture that Cemal Pasha of the Ittihad group reported from Kabul to Mustafa Kemal that Afghanistan could play a pivotal role in the conflicts as the British feared a union of the Bolsheviks with the Muslims of Turkey, Afghanistan, Central Asian states. He suggested that Turkey use the Afghan territory to support activities in India with himself in charge. Mustafa Kemal supported the idea. The Afghans meanwhile signed treaties with Russia and Turkey, making the British even more wary and Cemal Pasha was on the rise.

The Bolsheviks wanted to annex the parts of the Caucasus, including the Democratic Republic of Armenia, which were formerly part of Tsarist Russia. They also saw a Turkish Republic as a buffer state or possibly a communist ally. Around this time, the British worked out an arrangement of splitting Central Asia between them and Russia (after throwing a scare into the Russian minds about a large Muslim confederation building up on their southern borders) resulting in the Russians pulling out of the Asian Muslim federation. Next to follow was Cemal Pasha’s murder in Tiblis by the Armenians. The British then executed a final phase of the divide and rule method to bring about a split between Mohammed Ali and Gandhiji over the publication of a letter where Ali supporting nonviolent methods apologized to Gandhiji. Following this intrigue, the Khilafat movement ran aground with the lack of support from the INC and the Hindus. Violence flared, and the Moplah revolt at Malabar followed.

Meanwhile in Turkey a Khilafat leader with a claimed access to many thousands of pounds in
collected funds, landed up in Turkey, fluent in Turkish, English and Hindustani. This was the person sent by the British to spy and monitor the situation in Istanbul and Angora, the suave Indian Mustafa Saghir in the guise of a Khilafat leader, whose story we recounted some year ago. Mustafa Saghir was quickly caught by the nationalists and confessed to two things at the end, firstly that he a well-trained spy, party to planning Ataturk’s assassination and secondly that he had been involved in the assassination of the above Amir Habibullah. What also came to light in subsequent studies was that the information on the presence of Saghir in Turkey and his British affiliation was provided to the Nationalist Turks by the Russians. They informed the Kemalists that Saghir was not a Khilafat leader, but a skilled British spy. Saghir was quickly sentenced, tried, sentenced and hanged. Herein lies the conflict of the whole story. If Saghir was indeed behind the killing of the pro-British Habibullah, how could he admit to preparing an assassination of anti-British Mustafa Kemal? What gain would the British have by getting him assassinated? If it was just a ploy meant to play well with the Kemalists, then it is understandable and Saghir had nothing to do with the Amir’s killing which was actually engineered by the Soviets.

As the event flared up in Angora, the British made some futile lukewarm efforts to get Saghir freed. Presumably they wanted the hanging of an Indian Saghir to reverberate in India and polarize the Indians against Turkey. The British perhaps wanted to manipulate the situation and declare war on the nationalists, but it did not quite work out that way. Nevertheless the British made a hue and cry about Saghir a Khilafath leader being killed by Turks, the very people the Khilafat movement was rooting for. Mustafa Kemal declared that the proof they had unearthed proved otherwise.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk
What followed in India was anticlimactic. The Khilafat leaders were more in support of Kemal Bey and on top of it, Maulana Azad mentioned that Saghir was one of those unfortunate Mohamedans who had sold his conscience and religion for some little worldly benefit. Did it mean that monetary compensation was provided to Saghir? It is not known for sure though the trail mentioned large amounts of 20 or 50 thousand pounds. What the leaders Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali had to say about Saghir is a matter I have still not unearthed. If they knew he was an imposter and a spy, why did they keep quiet? (The British diplomats did record internally that Saghir was their spy and that his hanging was a matter of fact). Mustafa Kemal went onto fight his wars with the Greeks in Izmir and evicted them. The Canak crises was heating up and moving in favor of Kemal Pasha. In India they rejoiced stating that Mustafa Kemal pasha had saved the Khilafat. They now formed the Ankara legion to support the Turks if so needed and demanded that Istanbul be turned over to Mustafa Kemal.

But a few months later, the Grand National Assembly abolished the sultanate in Nov 1922.  Days later the Ottoman Sultan Mehmet VI boarded a British warship and fled to Malta. His last resort fatwa against the Kemalists had infuriated Mustafa Kemal and made him abolish the Sulatante.
But Mustafa Kemal still wanted to retain the position of a caliph. He stated all he wanted was to free the Caliph from the Allies and that the person would be selected democratically. Mustafa Kemal cabled the Indian Khliafat leader Chotani thanking the Indian Khilafat for the moral and financial support provided thus far. Chotani replied stating that they agreed to the decision of the Turkish national assembly. The All India Muslim league followed suit and the Mulims and Hindus of India decided to now refocus their energies into liberating India as Turkey and the Khilafat was in the good hands of Mustafa Kemal.
Ankara 1920's
Initially, the National Assembly seemed willing to allow a place for the Caliphate in the new regime, agreeing to the appointment of Mehmed's cousin Abdülmecid II as Caliph upon Sultan Mehmet's departure. But the position had been stripped of any authority, and Abdülmecid's purely ceremonial reign would be short lived. When Abdülmecid was declared Caliph, Mustafa Kemal refused to allow the traditional Ottoman ceremony to take place, bluntly declaring: The Caliph has no power or position except as a nominal figurehead. In response to Abdülmecid's petition for an increase in his allowance, Kemal replied “Your office, the Caliphate, is nothing more than a historic relic. It has no justification for existence”.

At this juncture appeared the infamous Ameer Ali Agha Khan (letter) missive insisting on increased powers for the Khalifa. Mustafa Kemal and the assembly were starting to understand how religion would henceforth become a contender in Turkey’s foreign policy considerations. He started to understand how the khilafat movement was starting to get manipulated by the British. But there were factions who wanted to abolish the Calipahate and others who wanted to retain it and the prestigious position of Turkey as its head. In 1924, a draft resolution to abolish the Khilafat was discussed. A major outcome was the opinion that Turkey had no interest to rule or in influencing their fate and that no other country had any role in influencing Turkey’s fate. The resolution was put to vote, and passed. That ended the Khilafat of Turkey.

Britain quickly supported and lauded the divergence of Turkey from the Islamic world stating that a secular Turkey was no longer a threat to Britain. The Muslim Kurds of Mosul were appalled and protested. In India Mohammed and Shaukat Ali, the leaders of the Khilafat movement were hugely upset. Mohammed Ali made a speech blaming the Turks of abandonment and treating India like a dirty handkerchief and discarding it after use. Shaukat Ali wrote to Ataturk to reconsider his stance. 

Mustafa Kemal replied that Turkey’s decision was final. Shaukat asked him at least to accept a delegation for discussions. Abdul Kalam Azad was appointed the leader of this group going to Ankara, but the British disallowed it and would not grant him a passport.

The despondent Khilafat supporters now tried as a last resort, by asking Mustafa Kemal to take over the mantle of Caliph himself. They also transferred close to a million pounds of collections to Turkey and this money became eventually the seed money which started Turkey’s Is bank.
Mustafa Kemal replied firmly that he was not interested in becoming a Caliph and that he could not be the titular leader of the Muslims of a country already being ruled by another emperor. He further stated that as the British would not obey his orders, the title was just that and had no power or purpose any longer. He argued that 8 million Turks cannot reasonably represent the 80 million plus Muslims of other countries.

His next words nailed the coffin. He said “Gentlemen, I have to speak plainly and explicitly. Those who are still occupied with fooling the Muslims by the assumed giant image of the Khilafat are nothing but enemies of Muslims, especially that of Turkey. To tie hopes to a game like this can only be a sign of ignorance and of indolent indifference”!!!! He went onto say that Turkey was tired and exhausted with their own struggles and could not take on any other heavy burdens beyond their borders. 

The National Assembly abolished the Caliphate on March 3, 1924. Abdülmecid was sent into exile along with the remaining members of the Ottoman House, marking the official end of the Ottoman Caliphate. And with that ended the role of Turkey in the Ottoman Khilafat.

Many meetings and plans followed, around discussions of whether the Hashemite’s of Jordan or the Sauds of Saudi Arabia donning the mantle of Caliph, but these were not fully supported by the South Asian communities who were still rooting for a Turkish Caliph. The Khilafat movement died and Jinnah who was against it all along, rose to limelight with his philosophy of a separate identity and a nation for Muslims. Mecca’s custody passed on to the house of Saud by 1925 after the Hejaz battles.
During the final years of the Khilafat movement, Mohammed Ali was jailed and was a very sick man with advanced diabetes. Ali did attend the round table conference of 1930, died in London in 1931 and is buried in Jerusalem. Shaukat Ali was also arrested and jailed during those years and later joined up with Jinnah in the Muslim league.

All this had a number of unintended effects during the 1920 decade, in Malabar the infamous 1921 revolt occurred resulting in terrible tragedies for the populace of Malabar. In South Eastern Turkey the Kurds got alienated and Mosul was finally ceded to Iraq, as the British continued their machinations and string pulling behind the curtain. In India the unity between Muslims and Hindus took a hit and as it became worse, a large number of people lost their lives. Turkey became a secular nation and the country and the Is bank prospered. It took another great world war, the loss of many thousand lives and another two and a half decades for India to get independence. Pakistan remained a friend of Turkey, while India drifted away into other spheres.

Nobody in Turkey talked about or remembered the Khilafat movement or the support which it got at a crucial juncture from India. All they remembered was that one Raj Kapoor acted in a glorious movie called Awara. The Hintlis of Hindistan, which is how India is known in Turkey, became just some friendly place in the east, home to many strange spiritual beliefs. Few enlightened leaders like Bulent Ecevit continued Indian studies and learned the Gita and the Gitanjali. Most Turks had no care of lands beyond their borders. When I was shifting to Istanbul, some wizened and old people said - Oh! You are going to Kemal Pasha’s country and some recalled their parents and the Khilafat years. Those were the 90’s in Turkey.

Was Mustafa Kemal right? Well, from a Turkish nationalistic point of view, he was infuriated by the inefficient and bureaucratic Ottoman sultanate and made no bones about his contempt for them during the early part of the second decade of the 20th century. His actions did prove right and the sick man of Europe, as Turkey was known, did stand up and walk, to become a modern nation though not showing robust health or cantering off at a gallop. Many decades later, Necmettin Erbakan stirred some interest with a variation of the Khilafat concept (but excluding Indian Muslims) once again, but there were hardly any takers. Things are changing these days as the Turkish nationalists are slowly moving away from a westernized, moderate and secular state towards one increasingly swayed by religion. But that is a subject I will not get into.

I must also confess that with this study I am now able to conclude that Mustafa Saghir whose story I recounted some years ago and whose fate I could not quite conclude properly, has cleared up. Saghir, the ill-fated man, was nothing but a pawn in the whole affair, just a sacrificial goat who was placed in the middle of that hungry and angry crowd in Angora, to be torn apart and consumed. He was the sacrifice intended to stir up the Muslims in India against Turkey. Perhaps he knew this all too well and as the story goes was well compensated on the eve of his departure by the British. Poor fellow!

The Turkish war of Independence and the Khilafat movement – Mim Kemal Oke
Gray wolf Mustafa Kemal – HC Armstrong
A clash of empires – Bulent Gokay
The Khilafat Movement – Gail Minault
The critical triangle India Britain and Turkey - Raj Kumar Trivedi
Pan Islam in British Indian politics – M Naeem Qureshi
The Turkish Nationalists and the Indian Khilafathists – Ali Asghar Khan
The Turkish revolution and the abolition of the Caliphate - Mohammed Sadiq
Ali Brothers – Khalid Ali
Ataturk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey - Andrew Mango

The Conolly’s in British India

Posted by Maddy Labels: , , ,

And their tragic lives

Many have asked me questions about the Conolly family and over the years I had been trying to gather as much of detail as I could find. While I came across a reasonable amount of information on the father and his four sons, it was not really possible to go on any further in time, other than get a confirmation from a line of that family, presently resident in India, Australia and England, that they are indeed connected to the illustrious Conolly's of the 19th century.

Nevertheless it would be a good idea to take a look at the men of that family who lived a good part of their lives in India in the last half of the 18th and the first six decades of the 19th century. It was a family which as is prophetically stated in India, one which carried a curse resulting in the premature deaths of four distinguished Conolly offspring, in India. This is the story of Valentine Conolly the father, and his six sons - Captain Edward Conolly, Captain Arthur Conolly, Captain John Conolly, James Conolly ICS and Lt Henry Valentine Conolly. One of them were killed in action and two of them murdered. Captain Edward of the 6th Bengal Cavalry was killed by a sniper during battle in Afghanistan, October 1841. Captain Arthur Conolly was kept captive till his death and murder at Bokhara in 1842. Captain John Conolly was killed (or died in captivity) at Kabul in 1842, these three brothers perishing in Afghanistan within a year of each other. Henry Valentine was the last of the four brothers who served the British Indian establishment. He had entered the India service in 1824 and was posted to Calicut in 1840-41 only to meet an ill-fated death in 1855. James did well though. Valentine had one other son and a three daughters, but I do not know anything about them and information gathering was tough also because some of the family members spelled their name Connolly, while others used the version Conolly.

Perhaps the curse which the offspring carried on their head had something to do with the way in which their father had profited, from the miseries of his patients, or perhaps it was the Kohinoor curse. And that is a story which needs to be retold.

Valentine Conolly - The recorded story of the Conolly family in India starts with Dr Valentine Conolly, son of William Conolly (Bengal Civil Service), who arrived at Madras around 1788. As records put it, Valentine Conolly was appointed Assistant Surgeon in the Madras Medical Service on 16th June 1788 and a Surgeon on 1st June 1796. He also took part in the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War and was present at the capture of Seringapatam in 1799 and the death of Tipu Sultan, for which he won a medal (which was only recently actioned off in the UK) in the process. As the number of English who went nuts (dolally in British terms – one which I will explain in a separate article for that is a tale by itself) in historic Madras increased, he became the first to institute the premier lunatic asylum of South India sometime in Feb 1793, when he became secretary to the medical board. It was privately owned by him and the forerunner for the asylum in nearby Kilpauk. While he is listed and hyped up as the founder of the first asylum, public opinion of his involvement in this business of running a madhouse is divided between mention of personal profit on the one hand and public benevolence on the other. Anyway, as the story goes, Assistant Surgeon Valentine Conolly, of Fort St. George, saw business sense in the treatment of the mentally unsound and laid before the Madras Government in 1794 'Proposals for Establishing at the Presidency a Hospital for Insane Patients'. The business plan also covered the very important aspect of how ‘extremely beneficial the adoption of it would be to the Community at large by affording Security against the perpetration of those Acts of Violence which had been so frequently committed by unrestrained Lunatics'. So Conolly suggested the establishment of a home for mentally unsound Europeans and Eurasians (not natives) so that ‘those poor creatures’ could be confined to specialized houses and ensure at the same time ‘a good deal of peace and order’ and be rid of such public nuisances as were perpetrated by lunatics’.

He proposed something in the lines of a similar establishment in Calcutta - I purpose then, Sir, and hope my proposal will obtain the sanction of your Patronage, to erect at my own expense a commodious Hospital for the reception of Lunatics, consisting of sixteen separate and airy apartments, with warm and cold baths, and every other necessary out-office: the whole surrounded by a wall of a sufficient height in conformity to the plan which accompanies this address…That Government do take a lease of the House so to be erected for a certain time not less than ten years, at a rent proportionate to the expense that may be incurred in building it and the probable repairs during that period. The premises, for which the government paid a lease for Rs. 825 per month, comprised 45 acres of land rented to Conolly at a nominal quit rent of 51 pagodas per annum, and commenced operations in 1794.

Pending approval by the Court of Directors, Sir Charles Oakeley sanctioned the scheme on condition that the maximum monthly rates payable for each patient should be Pagodas. 30 for an officer, Pagodas. 25 for 'a person not in the Service but coming under the denomination of a Gentleman,' and for non-commissioned officers and privates the amount of their pay and batta. A 45 acre area in Puruswalkam was allocated to him and the madhouse was thus built (close to today’s Kilpauk). The villagers were to be compensated by Conolly for the land and inconvenience. This structure stood at the junction of Pursewaukum High Road with Brick Kiln Road. It was marked 'Lunatic Hospital' in the map of 1816, and 'Lunatic Asylum' in that of 1837. The edifice was eventually demolished when the asylum was transferred to larger premises in Kilpauk.

Madras Asylum 
Only one year after the opening of the asylum the first lunatic was reported to have been restored to sanity and Conolly's skill and attention were positively remarked on. Conolly went on to make a good profit from this venture, but towards the end of the century (around 1795) he felt it was time to retire and move back to England, as a wealthy ‘nabob’. The lease was in the meantime, extended due to its good performance and it passed hands at a price (Rs 26,000) three times the building value to either one J Goldie and perhaps later to Surgeon Maurice Fitzgerald who held charge till 1803 (or the other way around). Dr. Dalton, a later owner rebuilt it and from then on it was called ‘Dalton's Mad Hospital’. When he retired, 54 inmates were being cared for in its premises. As is recorded, all of these gentlemen profited handsomely from the treatment of the insane, and this continued to be so till it was finally decided by the EIC that a private asylum was not quite appropriate (it was due to public opinion and pressure from Britain). Did Conolly carry back a curse from his patients and peers? Perhaps!

The wealthy Valentine Conolly (after having been made a mason at the lodge in the meanwhile) married Matilda, the daughter of Sir William Dunkin (Judge, Bengal) and settled down in London at the turn of the 19th century after a final burst of excitement with his participation in the siege of Seringapatanam of 1799 and collecting a medal for it. His wealth was instrumental in comfortably seeing his five sons through education in prestigious British schools colleges and thus preparing them for promising careers - as military officers and members of the civil service in India. Valentine Conolly passed away in 1819, a few days after his wife expired.

Now it is time to get to know his illustrious sons.

I believe the eldest was Mr. William James Conolly, who arrived as a writer in 1822 and served for the revenue offices at Patna, Gorakhpur, Allahabad, and was appointed as the magistrate, opium agent and collector of Bareilly 1832-36 and later at Sehrunpore. He was later promoted as the commissioner of revenue and then to the Rohilkhand division, Bareilly and finally as an agent to the lieutenant governor in 1842. It appears he retired to the Cape of Good Hope, in 1845. All in all, he appears to have been a very efficient and scrupulous ICS man, but not involved with anything remarkable or dangerous, in his life.

Without doubt, the most famous of his sons (he was the 3rd son) was the devout Arthur Conolly (1807-1842), British Captain of the Indian Army, explorer of Central Asia, and one who penetrated Afghanistan, Khiva and Bokhara several times from 1829 to 1842. He is the man behind the popular usage ‘the great game’ and a pioneer in the intrigues and British attempts to secure control over the khanates of Afghanistan and build a buffer between India and Russia. This once shy youngster who hated his school days at Rugby, and who had failed in love, then sought excitement in the mountains and the arid terrain of the Afghans. He attempted to create a confederation of states in order to resist Russian expansion after the British had been evicted unceremoniously from Kabul. He tried hard to reconcile the three quarreling khanates of Khiva, Bokhara and Khokand but was fated for the worst death ever.

Often travelling in disguise, he used the name "Khan Ali" in a word-play (Con Olly) on his true name. By late 1829, he left Moscow for the Caucasus and Central Asia, arriving in Herat in September 1830 and in India in January 1831. In 1834 he published an account of his trip, which established his reputation as a traveler and writer. In November 1841 he was captured while on a rescue mission to free fellow British officer, Lieutenant Colonel Charles Stoddart, held in Bukhara. The two were executed by the Emir of Bukhara, Nasrullah Khan, on 24 June 1842 or 1843 on charges of spying for the British Empire. They were both beheaded in the square in front of the Ark Fortress in Bukhara. I will retell this macabre story in greater detail, some other day. He wrote a lot - The white-haired Angora goat, Journey to the North of India through Russia, Persia and Afghanistan (2 Vols.) were some of his works. The connection with the Kohinoor merits another article,

Captain Edward Barry Conolly (1808–1840), of the 6th Bengal Cavalry was killed by a sniper during battle in Afghanistan, October 1840. He was killed by a shot from the fort of Tootumdurrah, in the Kohat, north of Kabul, when acting as a volunteer with Sir Robert Sale, in an attack on that place on 29 Sept. 1840. William Kaye records - On the 29th of September, Sale invested the enemy's position. The resistance was very slight. The fire of our guns and the advance of the infantry column soon compelled its evacuation, and the place was speedily in possession of the British troops. The success was complete, and would have been cheaply purchased; but one fell there, who, mourned in anguish of spirit by the Envoy, was lamented by the whole force. Edward Conolly, a lieutenant of cavalry, one of three accomplished and enterprising brothers who had followed the fortunes of their distinguished relative, Sir William Macnaghten, and obtained employment under the British Mission, had on that very morning joined Sale's force as a volunteer. He was acting as aide-de-camp to the General; when, as the column advanced, he was struck down by a shot from the enemy's position. The bullet entered his heart. "My mind was in too disturbed a state all day yesterday," wrote the Envoy on the 1st of October, "to admit of my writing to you. Poor Edward Conolly (Arthur's next brother) has been killed by a dubious hand at a petty fortress in Kohistan. Never did a nobler or a kinder spirit inhabit a human frame. Poor fellow! he was shot through the heart, and I believe he was the only individual on our side killed during the operations of the 29th, when three forts belonging to the chief rebel in the country were taken.

The following papers from his pen and recording his exploring jaunts appeared in the 'Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal;' 'Observations on the Past and Present Condition of Orijein or Uijayana,' vol. vi.; 'Discoveries of Gems from Candahar,' 'Sketch of Physical Geography of Seistan,' 'Notes on the Eusofzye Tribes of Afghanistan,' vol. ix.; 'Journal kept while Travelling in Seistan,' vol. x.; 'On Gems and Coins,' vol. xi.

John Balfour Conolly (d. 1842), lieutenant 20th Bengal native infantry, a cadet of 1833, was afterwards attached to the Kabul embassy. He was involved together with Macnaghten on at three least assassinations, of which two were Meer Musjedee and Abdullah. He died of a fever while a hostage in the Bala Hissar, Cabul, on 7 Aug. 1842. It was his final will and testament that led me to his eldest brother whom nobody had so far mentioned as a family member. I.e. William James Conolly, of Bareilly, in the Presidency of Agra, a member of the Civil Service of the East-India Company, was stated to be the eldest brother of deceased.

The Conolly’s had at least three sisters, Ellen Conolly, being one of them, was married to Francis, the brother of Sir William Hay Macnaghten, the British envoy with Shah Soojah in Afghanistan. Matilda Frances was another. I could not get details of the remaining sister and a less illustrious son, the last also said to have been serving in India. Note here that John Conolly the psychiatric doctor of Madras is not a direct relation to this family.

Now let us spend a bit more of our time on Malabar’s collector Henry Valentine Conolly. Henry Conolly was born on 5 December 1806 to Valentine and Matilda Conolly at 37 Portland Place, London. He was, like his elder brother Arthur Conolly, educated at Rugby School, Warwickshire before moving to Madras, India and become a writer in the Madras Civil Service from 19th May 1824. He then started his next phase of education at the College of Ft St George Madras where he excelled in Indian studies. The June 1826 college reports states – Several weeks previous to the examination, Mr Conolly met with a serious accident, which materially interrupted his studies, and was the occasion of his being examined under great disadvantage; the result has nevertheless been highly satisfactory. In Mahratta, Mr. Conolly has attained a very high degree of proficiency, but his pronunciation of Hindustanee is defective, and he still wants practice in the colloquial use of that tongue. So in 1826, Mr. Conolly and Mr. Gardner were permitted to enter on the duties of the public service and he moved to Bellary for his posting. Varied postings followed, and one was as a cashier in the government bank!

He was the only one to stray south after his father, and was first married in 1831 to Jane, the eldest daughter of W Mooreson, June 24 th.  Unfortunately she passed away in 1835. In 1840 he arrived in Malabar as acting collector officiating in the place of Collector Clementson who went on leave. In 1841 he became the collector and married in 1841 Anne Birch the daughter of Chris Birch. Two sons and a daughter were born to them in Calicut during the period 1842-45. After his murder in 1855, Connolly was survived by wife Anne who returned to England. Some Rs 31,000 collected by way of fines from the Moplah locales was paid to the widow as compensation (she also received a pension). The family in total had four children of which two were sons, one of whom I read was named Edward and who became a lawyer. More details of the family are not available. Anne Elizabeth Conolly (not entirely sure if it is the same as HV’s wife) married a young man named Charles Valentine Smith who it seems was soon arrested and sentenced to prison for bigamy since his first wife was still living.

While we mentioned HVC’s connections to the Moplah insurgency of that period and his involvement in setting up the teak forests of Nilambur as well as the establishment of the Conolly Canal, we did not dwell much on some his other activities. He worked hard to improve the lot of the un-seeable un-touchable Nayadis of Malabar. A Basel mission article mentions this - A humane gentleman, of the name of Conolly, deeply sympathised with the miserable condition of the Nayadis, in the forests beyond Ponani. Mr. Conolly applied to the Basel Mission for assistance, and Missionary Fritz was sent to the chief town of Malabar, and a native catechist stationed among the Nayadis. These poor people rank in the community even below purchased slaves. They live only in the jungle like wild animals, they sleep in the branches of trees, and at the most only build the poorest hut for themsleves. They are looked upon by other branches of the community with the greatest contempt. If a Brahmin comes in their way, they must move off at least sixteen paces; and they must never dare to touch any one of a superior caste. Mr. Conolly formed a plan for drawing some of this degraded class within the bounds of civilisation. He built them houses, set apart some ground for them, and gave them fields to cultivate. The Government after a time relinquished this effort, and the Basel missionaries took it up.

Samuel Heibich the missionary records - Mr. H. V. Conolly was at that time Collector of Malabar; he proved a warm friend of the undertaking, which he supported with all his great influence. He had already been in correspondence with the mission, in the interests of a race called Naiadis—a small tribe, scarcely above the brutes in the scale of civilization. Mr. Conolly felt that the British government was bound to attempt the redemption of these poor savages from their degradation; as, however, he failed in getting the duty recognized and acted upon, he made it his own care, but did not live to see the result of his endeavors.

But he also shook up the British government when he suggested that they employ the lower castes for labor, at a time when they were frowning upon slavery in Malabar and were facing a restless issue of the Shannars in Travancore. A mention in the book Social Legislation of the East India Company: By Nancy Gardner Cassels, goes thus - In response to government requests for suggestions for improving the situation of the slave caste of chermars in Malabar, Conolly observed that inasmuch as Act of 1843 was to all intents and purposes a law for the abolition of slavery in its territory, the government might consider the the employment of emancipated cheramars on public works at the same rate as free laborers and with schools for their children and administered by a native Christian or Moplah (i.e. a person free from caste prejudice).

He was also very much involved in the improvement of the lot at the Laccadive Islands, pushing for a legal system there, helping out with natural disasters and sorting out certain issues involving the Bebee of Arakkal. The referred source as well as P Anima’s article will provide a lot of details to those interested.

HVC tried hard to get a collegiate school sanctioned to Calicut – P Anima writing in Hindu explains - When it came to starting the collegiate high school in the Malabar, there were a few contenders. While Kozhikode was earlier on mentioned as the definite option, two other names surface in later letters — Tellicherry and Cannanore. In a letter written in 1842 written by Conolly and his colleague Strange, they advocate Kozhikode. They write, “Calicut appears more suited for the purpose than either of the stations just named with reference to geographical position, population and importance, the latter of which will be much increased within the next five to six months, by its becoming the headquarters of all the civil establishments.”

After his passing away, two scholarships were instituted for the scholars of Calicut, one of which, designated the Junior Conolly Scholarship, was tenable in the Provincial School, and the other, designated the Senior Conolly Scholarship, was tenable in the Presidency College, and was to be conferred once in three years on the student who may pass first on the list of Malabar students at the university entrance examination. The first examination for the Junior Conolly Scholarship was held in July 1857, when it was awarded to Ramen Nair, a pupil in the Provincial School.

It should have been easy but tracing HV Conolly’s line down any further proved to be too difficult for it is mentioned that he had four children. I did get connected to his great great great granddaughter who lives in England and understood that her sister is the well-known actor and animal welfare/Greenpeace activist Amala Akkineni. Their mother June Conolly is the daughter of Samuel Conolly who served in the 2nd world war at Alexandria. I also got in touch with Vanya Orr of Nilgiris who provided me with copies of correspondence her great grandfather had with Henry Valentine Conolly, on estate matters.

But I cannot leave this without a tail piece. Many famous people were Conolly scholarship beneficiaries, but I have to name one person who was educated at Calicut and benefited from a Conolly scholarship. He was none other than Dewan Seshadri Iyer, the founder of Modern Bangalore. Iyer, a native of Palghat, was a recipient of the scholarship while (1863) at the Provincial school in Calicut. He went on to become the Dewan of Mysore and is credited with the establishment of the Victoria hospital, the glass house in Lalbaugh, the waterworks, the Shivasamudra hydel power unit, the Indian institute of science, the extensions at Basavangudi & Malleswaram to name a few. Shesadripuram is named after him.

So the next time you visit ‘namma ooru’ Bengaluru, spend a moment thinking about Iyer and Conolly….

Madras Lunatic Asylum: A Remarkable History in British India – Saumitra Basu (Indian Journal of History of Science, 51.3 (2016) 478-493)
The Madras Lunatic asylum in the early 19th century – W Ernst (BulI.lnd.lnst. Hist. Med. Vol. XXVIII~19.98 pp13 to 30)
The rise of the European lunatic asylum in colonial India (1750-1858) - Waltraud Ernst (Bull. Ind. Inst. Hist. Med. Vol. XVII. pp. 94-107)
The Anatomy of Madness: Essays in the History of Psychiatry, Volume 3 - Ed William F. Bynum, Roy Porter, Michael Shepherd
Life of the Amir Dost Mohammed Khan of Kabul: By Mohana Lāla (Munshi)
Report on the Laccadive Islands - By W. Robinson, esq.
Activists: Lessons from my Grandparents - Lisa Croft
When the Malabar Collector pitched in strongly for theCanolly Canal

The ICS Collectors of Malabar

Posted by Maddy Labels: , , ,

British Governance - Calicut

There is a furor at Calicut these days resulting from the transfer of a benevolent collector popularly known as ‘collector bro’ and it appears that this resulted from the differences in opinion between bro and a member of parliament. I am sure much debate and argument will continue over this, but then again, it has always been like this. These positions of administrative bureaucracy though very important for any district are unfortunately at the mercy of the politicians. One only needs to look at the career of Malabar’s premier administrator William Logan. He was moved in and moved out of the Malabar Collector’s position no less than 7 times between 1869 and 1887 till he finally threw in the towel.

For a while, I have been toying with the idea of checking out the life and times of various collectors who spent a while administering British Malabar. Starting from 1800 (1801 to be more precise) almost 60 British individuals ruled, sitting in that position and mostly living at the East Hill Collector’s Bungalow. Eight of the initial administrators were actually called ‘principal collectors’ and the lot starting with the eminent HV Connolly were titled ‘district collectors’. I will list the lot (though I have not been able to get a list of those between 1932 -1943) and mention about the contributions of some of the more popular of those ‘gora sahebs’ or sayips. Strangely enough not one of them put their personal experiences in Calicut to paper, though Logan came close by accounting much of his observations into a district manual. Robert Rickards was another who mentioned his time in passing, in his huge twin volume book on India.

But first I think we should spend a while understanding the ICS, what was popularly known as the heaven born service and its responsibilities, during that era. It was in a way just that and for most Indians the ICS officer personified the British administrative arm. Before the advent of British rule we had the East India Company and a college which would secure aspirants a position in India. That was the HEIC’s East India company college in Hailey which started in 1806. In fifty years it trained over two thousand so-called "writers" or Haileybury men to administer the Indian subcontinent. The curriculum was wide, detailed, and targeted to the career responsibilities. It included political economy, history, mathematics, natural philosophy, classics, law and humanity, Indian languages and philology. In 1855, the British Parliament passed an act "to relieve the East India Company from the obligation to maintain the College at Haileybury" and the King's College, London, hosted the first open competitive examinations for appointment to the Indian Civil Service. The open examination which ICS aspirants had to undergo was nothing short of a month long, vicious, viva voce which Hilton Brown an ICS man characterized as – a solid month of answering questions, skilled torturers can devise with the knowledge that a single inadequate answer may ruin your chances for life!!

Thus the Indian Civil Service governed the British imperial possession through an elite and sparsely manned network to govern some 250 Indian districts, was a close well-knit administrative service, designed to maintain stability and continuity of the British power. The lower ranks were manned by British as well as Indians, hand selected by the ICS officer. Interestingly Indians who may have qualified could either not foot the bill to travel to London or would not, for fear of losing their caste. Satyendranath Tagore, the elder brother of Rabindranath Tagore, was the first Indian to qualify the ICS in 1863. What many of you may not know is that postings to districts of the Madras presidency were considered lowly compared to the exotic locales of the North. Officers in Madras acted singularly and not always in synchronism (characterized as slow, cumbersome and reactionary) with the center, promotions were slow and red tape quite amply manifested. The collector in the South reported directly to the Madras government and had much higher responsibilities.

Many of you would still imagine that these officers had a fascinating time, only people who have lived as expatriates in another country would understand their difficulties and challenges. I am confident that many a reader would have imagined that the life of an officer typically began with his waking up and stretching his hand for his cup of tea held at a ready by his chaprasi, then going about on a morning ride on his magnificent stallion, or his Morris minor or whatever car, taking care of issues along the way, sorting out matters even handedly, listening to the wah wah’s from the lowly Indian peasant populace, coming back and signing off on land issues and criminal cases, going off to shoot a tiger or deer, or even an elephant, supervise its skinning, having a pint or two and supping at the club as the sun set, and lounging at home and writing his journal or a few poems before a bath, eventually retiring to a camp bed and dreaming of his younger days in the Scottish highlands. Well, in reality it was far from that and was unflattering, for he had to work with very tight budgets, face disease, a rough climate not suited to them and sometimes hostile people, a large number of corrupt, bureaucratic, opinionated and self-serving superiors who hated the land they had to govern and its people. On top of all that they were not well rewarded and that is why many were prone to building up their own retirement nesteggs and making hay while the sun shone.

Then again, there were many such as ACS Thorne the Malabar Collector who governed during placid times and who did live that kind of a life, as recorded by SK Chettur. Chettur writes - Thorne awoke at 6AM, and started with a ½ hour bird watching session until 730. After breakfast at 8, he started work at 830 and briskly moved files until 1PM, after which he took lunch and had a short ½ hour nap. Two more hours in the office, tea at 415PM and local inspection tours followed until 630PM. To end the day, he would settle under a petromax lamp to read. In between and during trips or weekends, he found the time to swim and do some snipe shooting, taking his new protégé along. Etiquette was very important to him and Thorne was a smalltime poet in his spare time.

But the case of a collector in the North during the early days of the 19th century would be vastly different – John Beames explains - a hard, active man in boots and breeches, who almost lived in the saddle, worked all day and nearly all night, ate and drank when and where he could, had no family ties to hamper him, and whose whole establishment consisted of a camp bed, an odd table and chair or so and a small box of clothes such as could be slung on a camel. Nevertheless while life at the outpost was difficult, the posts at the headquarters and presidency secretariats was quite different. This was where bureaucracy was born and perfected. Ridiculous practices re-developed: letters were placed in docket covers and their contents 'summarised' at greater length than the original; documents were printed only to be sent a few yards down the corridor. As we can readily imagine, officers often rose by seniority, connections and relations, rather than by merit.

By the end of the century and into the first decade of the 20th the conditions had changed and exams for ICS were also held in India (Allahabad 1922). The money earned was not commensurate to living expenses, the officer’s dowry market had declined, the fishing fleet had dried up and a push was on to get more Indians employed in the service. Even the pension of a thousand pounds became meaningless when the exchange rate for the rupee crashed following the First World War. The complex requirements and problems after the war were no longer some a limited set of officers governing at times by goodwill could handle. And then to top it all, Gandhi had arrived.

But that was not the subject we started with and so let us hasten to the district headquarters, to Calicut to be precise. The original district collector’s bungalow was in West hill and it was moved to East hill only after the terrible murder of Collector Connolly Sayip. Mr. W. B. Dewinton, late Chief Engineer of the P. W. D stated in 1905 ‘I wish we could devise something like it now-a-days. It takes the form of a central single storied block containing a large drawing room (40'x 25') and a dining room with wide verandahs (17') round drawing room, and entirely distinct blocks (1) for occupants and (2) for guests’.

It was from this abode (and later from the Bungalow at East hill, the Krishna Menon museum these days), that the figurehead of the British Empire ruled the erstwhile district of Malabar, devoid of any pomp. Let’s take a look at some of those collectors, a topic which PK Govindan had covered briefly in a thin booklet which I have not had the opportunity to access or peruse and one which Calicut Heritage had mentioned, some years ago. The British PM David Lloyd George once said of the ICS that it was "the steel frame on which the whole structure of our government and of our administration in India rests". Chettur borrowed that popular usage to title his memoirs.

Some might ask - Why were Britons willing to go to India if they faced sudden reversals of fortune and rampant epidemic disease? Ruby Daily’s explanation is that it was demographic: the period of 1760 to 1860 saw a huge population growth in Britain, with birthrates rising by up to 18 percent. The average elite woman of the early nineteenth century could expect to give birth to around eight babies, whose infant survival rate was around 90 percent. Upper-class families were reaching unprecedented sizes at unprecedented rates. Desperate to find careers for so many children, families looked to the East India Company, whose administrative and military staffing needs grew constantly as they took over more territories and instituted more taxation. Because many people were propelled by their families into Indian colonial service, it is unsurprising that these connections remained important after they arrived in India as well. Family networks could provide recommendations for jobs, practical advice, places to stay on first arrival, and moral support (extract courtesy Ruby Daily’s Digital collection, Newberry library) 

The position of the Principal collector of Malabar was originally created in 1801 after the first Pazhassi rebellion broke out and the British found it difficult to manage the revolts from Bombay. You may recall that Malabar was originally under the Bombay presidency and run through a military authority. Lord Clive wanted to ensure establishment of a civil administration and Major William Macleod was appointed the first principal collector with 3 supporting subordinate collector’s (Strachey, Hodgson and Keate) wef 1st Oct 1801. His fist act was to capture Kannavat Nambiar and he then followed it up with an order for all Nairs to lay down and surrender their arms. He then manipulated the exchange rates between local coins and rupees to the gold and silver fanams, fourfold based on totally wrong revenue estimates and this led to huge discontentment. As the public rallied against these orders or totally disregarded it, Macleod resigned and handed over charge to Judge Rickards. Rickards wisely reverted to the original rates, but the rebellion continued and Panaramam, a military outpost was attacked as the Pazhassi rebellion continued. Rickards gave way to Thomas Warden in 1804 and it was under him that Thomas Baber the sub collector excelled and worked to bring about the demise of the Raja and the end of the Pazhassi revolt.

Macleod was also involved in many of the Murdoch Brown activities as well as the man behind the infamous Macleod Seer. The MacLeod seer or grain measure is defined as a liberally heaped measure and its concept and comparison is interesting. In fact his name is also given to a land measure of that time. In North Malabar, an extent of land is known as so many Macleod yedangalies, and it is supposed that the acre ranges from 55 to 72 Macleod yedangalios, 60 being generally assumed as the average. As a gain measure, 4 nauzhies = 1 yedangaly or Macleod seer. 10 such seers yields one parrah. The seer introduced by Mr. Macleod in 1802 contains, when liberally heaped, 130 tolahs of rice. It was used in Chirakkal, Kottayam, Cooroombranaud, Valluwanad and Palghat. In Calicut and Ponnany, Macleod's half seer liberally heaped and containing 65 tolahs was used. The ' parrah' varies from 61 to 10 Macleod seers. So much for that.

Rickards went on to pen a set of books on India where he also covered his experiences on land administration in Malabar.During Warden’s strict and what is defined as straightforward rule, the Zamorin of Calicut became a malikhana receiver of a fifth of the revenue collected from their districts, as security for their good and dutiful behavior towards the company’s (British) government. In 1809 the administration of Cochin was transferred to the resident at Travancore and by 1813, the Anjengo factory was closed. In 1817 Mahe was given back to the French and in 1819, the Calicut loge was also handed over to the French together with certain other minor territories.

Then came James Vaughan who was behind the Emman nair episode, one which I had covered
earlier. During his tenure we note again the restlessness of the Moplahs of Malabar after whom Sheffield took charge, followed by Huddleston and both these chaps tackled the thorny issue of land and tax assessments in Malabar. In 1834, Karunakara Menon was sent to Coorg as an EIC emissary only to be imprisoned and this led to the Coorg war. Clementson and Thomson followed, as the Eranad area became the hotbed of discontented Moplahs. Thompson was the last of the Principal collectors. In 1841 Henry Valentine Connolly, the first of the benevolent collectors of Malabar took charge and did some real good with his teak plantations, water canals and many other export related activities. However as we studied before, his involvement in the Moplah outrages resulted only in his getting hacked to a brutal death in 1855.

Clarke, Robinson and Grant followed him and spent brief tenures as collectors. Robinson was the first to get involved with the Laccadive Islands taxation issues and was responsible for bringing W Logan into the scene for the first time in 1857. Grant on the other hand loved Malabar elephants and tried hard to build a sanctuary for them. In 1862, GA Ballard took charge at East Hill. An able administrator, he was also very interested in fishing, he recorded and translated day to day legal correspondence in Malayalam into a couple of very interesting books, and these books remain to portray Malabar life in the late 1880’s.

People arrived in Calicut those days by ferry and the exalted were driven to the bungalow. Mary Carpenter who visited during the time of A Ballard, writes “It was a long drive to my new abode, but very beautiful; we passed along a road bordered with palm trees, forming a canopy through which the bright rays of the diamond-looking stars could hardly penetrate. The residence of Mr. Ballard, the collector, is on a bill, three miles beyond the town. From thence the morning rays revealed a splendid view over extensive woods of cocoanuts and richly cultivated land, to the grand range of the Western Ghauts…. Mary continues - Though Calicut has the elements of British civilization introduced into it by the presence of the various official gentlemen connected with the Government—a collector's office, various institutions, an excellent High School, a factory, etc., yet these do not appear to have produced as much effect on the general habits of the educated portion of the community, as in the Presidential capitals; but, on the other hand, there is not that air of dirt and dilapidation, which was so painfully depressing and repulsive in many parts of the empire which I had already seen.

After Ballard left, Hannyngton, Thomas and Alexander McCullum Webster, were collectors. Then came the ever famous William Logan in 1869. We traced his story in a previous blog, but what I did not mention then were his seven transfers, perhaps for his forthrightness and refusal to toe the line. During Logan’s tenure, Empress Victoria’s 50th year of reign was celebrated at Calicut like it was, in many other district capitals.

Many came after Logan and have their names recorded in the annals of history. Some names that people may remember are Dance, Tottenham, Pinhey, Hall, Evans, Thomas, Ellis etc. If you recall, I had written in detail about JA Thorne earlier.

Two names which deserve singular attention are CA Innes and Knapp. The former prepared the popular gazettes and went on to become the governor of Burma. The second is the ‘knappan’ governor Arthur Rowland Knapp, who left behind the ever popular usage ‘knapp’ on colloquial Malayalam. In his first posting in Malabar at a young age of 21, Knapp set in motion various administrative, policy and police reforms that were at best, quixotic in nature. His efforts were futile, garnering no benefits despite looking good on paper. The word Knapp-'an' which describes a person who is incompetent and a failure, lives on to this day. However even though Khapp gave way to Francis in 1907, he was called back in 1921 as the Moplah revolt raged, to the appointment as special commissioner of Malabar. Perhaps he was hated by the populace though revered by the British. Nidheesh has an article on the very subject

By 1871, only four Indians had joined the service. By 1883, the total number of Indian ICS were 12 and in 1915, exactly 60 years after the first competitive examination of ICS, only 63 Indians had joined the ICS. In the late 1890s, JN Tata set up a scholarship/loan fund for Indians to study abroad, which included as a condition that they appear for the ICS exam (by 1924, over a third of all Indian ICS officers were Tata scholars). The upper age limit for the ICS exam always remained 24 years from 1855 to January 1943 - when the last exam was held. However, the lower age limit varied from time to time. The only Indian to top the ICS examination in 88 years was Kumar Padmanabha Sankara (KPS) Menon who stood first in the 1921 batch. In the 1920 batch of ICS, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose stood fourth. Bose reported for training but resigned in April 1921.At the time of India's Independence, there were 980 ICS officers in pre-Partition India.

An old article in Keralaforum records the work of a later Malabar governor Lawrence, in 1943. Many of the ICS fellows of those days had personal integrity and ability, though they were (rightly from their side) loyal to the British Empire. People could approach them with justifiable causes. We give one example: In the village of Engandiyur, Trichur District, there was no high school during 1943 period. People were mainly farmers of low castes (which mattered those days). A few educated people joined and submitted a memorandum to the Malabar Collector for a school. Mr Lawrence who was the Malabar Collector at Calicut immediately responded. "Yes, you get a high school, but first you must collect a sum of 10.000 rupees for the initial expenses of the building etc)!" This was a large sum of money those days, when 100 coconuts brought probably not more than 10 rupees. But the people collected this money and the school was granted! (Recall no third class politician is involved here, unlike now). This is the National High School. When this happened, the local Church submitted a request to Mr Lawrence. Another high school was granted. So the village had two high schools within 700 meters, something unthinkable in a village those days. The main point here is that there was no politician, no bribe, nothing of that sort was involved here!

One should not forget administrators TH Baber and Charles Whish though Baber officiated from Tellicherry and Whish spent long periods in South Malabar. You can obtain details of these fine gentlemen from my previously poste and linked reference articles.

While HW Bouchier was the last of the tailenders, he was on leave during August 1947. Thus it was Welshman John Calvert Griffiths who held the position as the last white man to rule Malabar on the eve of independence in 1947. On 15th August, John Griffiths sub collector of Malappuram was in charge as the acting Collector of Malabar. Ironically, his first task was to arrange the Independence Day celebrations at Calicut. He remained in Malabar and did not go back to Britain, wanting the freedom to be his own man and be with the Indian ICS. He said - I felt myself a part of a long line that started with Vasco Da Gama and passed through Clive and Munro and the old collectors of Malabar and ended with me. He lowered the union jack at Calicut and took it with him, to be buried with him when he passed away, and made a formal speech praising the contributions of Indian leaders, Gandhi and Nehru. It was a non-event in Calicut and the only two Brahmin lawyers dressed in conventional black and dancing down the aisle in suppressed excitement set an exception to an otherwise orderly and matter of fact kind of day. After a couple of years, he moved to Malaya, Rhodesia and finally Hong Kong to continue working for the British government.

The first native collector of Malabar following Indian independence was NS Arunachalam. The next in order were, R Prasad, ICS, NES Raghavachary ICS and V V Subrahmaniam ICS. Interestingly, both Prasad and NES became advisors to the Governor in 1956 when the new Kerala state was formed. The first Kozhikode district collector (after Kerala integration) was Mr. P K Nambiar, IAS.

Malabar manual – William Logan
A people’s collector in the British Raj – Arthur Galletti – Brian Stoddart
The last days of the Raj – Trevor Royle
The steel frame and I – SK Chettur

Note: Malabar history enthusiasts will remember A Galletti’s ‘Dutch in Malabar’, a source of excellent information. A good amount of information on the workings of an ICS man’s life and his many tribulations can be gleaned from Stoddart’s book, profiling Arthur Galletti. Galletti was quite chummy with Sir CP and Chettur SK Nair. Though Galletti never administered Malabar, he was close to getting appointments at Travancore and Cochin as a Dewan, efforts which were scuttled by his superiors, as he was considered a recalcitrant ICS man. Chettur SK Nair’s accounts, books and stories also present interesting reading and an Indian’s insight into the ICS of later years.

Many thanks to Mr CK Ramachandran, IAS who provided me with information on the native collectors appointed after independence. People who want to study the responsibilities of that office today may refer to the book ‘Community development Administration in Kerala’ by KK Panikkar.

Tail noteMuthiah’s article on SK Chettur provides an insight of the transition of an ICS officer 
working under a native Indian government – Chettur says - "I have been often asked whether it was pleasant to work with ministers after `ruling the roost' in the old I.C.S. autocratic set-up. My answer has always been that the I.C.S. man has been trained to accept the discipline of his `Superior Officers'. In a democratic regime, I made the transition easy by the tacit principle that elected ministers responsible to the public were my `Superiors', however much I may have doubted their individual intellectual superiority to me. I regarded them as the bosses who were in the position to give the orders, and while I had the right to offer advice to them (based on my own knowledge and experience) I had to accept and implement the orders even in cases where my advice was over-ruled. And I took very good care to record my views very clearly and unmistakably so that they could know exactly what they were up against in over-ruling me. I found that my refusal to be a `yes-man' had a most salutary effect on ministers. Apart from the respect it created for me personally, they knew they could get genuine advice from me and that I would not lightly let them down. As a result, I got on very well with them and when they found that I had the sense of discipline to implement orders, once I had been over-ruled or differed from, there was no difficulty at all in our relationships. And that is as it should be."